Instrucciones de la Dirección General de Espectáculos Públicos, Juego y Actividades Recreativas sobre determinadas cuestiones relacionadas con el desarrollo de la modalidad de la prima de bingo. Orden de 19 de junio de , por la que se determinan los Nuevos Valores Faciales de los Cartones de Bingo para el ámbito de la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía.

Recargo Autonómico e Impuesto sobre el Juego del Bingo. Orden de 3 de julio de , Características Técnicas de la Modalidad de Bingo Interconectado.

Orden de 9 de octubre de , Condiciones Técnicas de los locales destinados a Salas de Bingo de la Comunidad Autónoma. Responsable de la información publicada:. Consejería de Economía, Hacienda y Fondos Europeos.

Información adicional. Ahora, tras inmiscuirse en las competencias autonómicas del juego privado, ha promocionado una PNL parlamentaria para continuar masacrando al juego presencial. Y en estas estamos cuando llega el anuncio de Loterías: De nuevo se aplica la doble vara de medir, y dadas las circunstancias que estamos viviendo, parece una decisión desproporcionada, desleal e insolidaria con la situación económica soportada por muchos sectores con establecimientos cerrados o limitados en horarios, aforos, etc.

No he dicho que esta medida era poco reflexionada a propósito, porque en esta batalla tan desequilibrada, el Gobierno central ha dejado a su ministro de Consumo el botón rojo de las armas de destrucción mientras siguen promocionando el juego público con los mismos argumentos con los que prohíben el nuestro.

Este año el Gordo navideño no lo anuncian los niños, aunque sí volverán a cantarlo. Se ha optado por algo más sentimental: la covid, la plaga más agresiva del último siglo, la pandemia que nos deja indefensos y con los sentimientos a flor de piel.

Las salas, pese a. organización de carácter confederativo, de ámbito estatal, constituida en el año 1. del Príncipe de Vergara, 55 Madrid. NOTICIAS ASOCIADOS CONTACTO Menú.

noviembre 18, Más Noticias. Amplía representación del sector privado en el Encuentro de FEJAR: CEJ, FEJBA, Cejuego, COFAR, ANESAR, Cirsa, Paf,… 00 Sector del Juego El bingo de Extremadura quiere flexibilizar las limitaciones a la explotación de máquinas recreativas 00 Sector del Juego Ant Anterior Las duras restricciones sufridas por el juego privado favorecen al juego público.

NORMATIVA ASOCIADOS NOTICIAS CONTACTO NORMATIVA ASOCIADOS NOTICIAS CONTACTO.

This bingo card has 8 images, a free space and 7 words: ○ ÉTICA Y DISCRIMINACIÓN LABORAL, ÉTICA Y COMUNICACIÓN, TECNOLOGÍA, ENTORNO CULTURAL, RESPETO Duration Hay personas que se gastan en el bingo lo que necesitan en su casa. Esto es una inmoralidad. Y si lo que gastan es lo que les sobra, que lo den de limosna a

Etica en los Bingos - Missing This bingo card has 8 images, a free space and 7 words: ○ ÉTICA Y DISCRIMINACIÓN LABORAL, ÉTICA Y COMUNICACIÓN, TECNOLOGÍA, ENTORNO CULTURAL, RESPETO Duration Hay personas que se gastan en el bingo lo que necesitan en su casa. Esto es una inmoralidad. Y si lo que gastan es lo que les sobra, que lo den de limosna a

Ant Anterior Las duras restricciones sufridas por el juego privado favorecen al juego público. NORMATIVA ASOCIADOS NOTICIAS CONTACTO NORMATIVA ASOCIADOS NOTICIAS CONTACTO. Aviso legal Política de Privacidad Política de cookies Aviso legal Política de Privacidad Política de cookies.

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Normalmente, el ama de casa está sola, los niños en el colegio, el marido en el trabajo A nivel social Puede que no emplee grandes sumas de dinero, pero tendrá que hacer verdaderas maravillas para tener el trabajo a punto.

El deterioro de la economía doméstica, las tensiones en el seno de la familia, discusiones, etc. Respecto al ámbito grupal-relacional, es factible que sea afectado en un sentido u otro.

No es raro que el jugador pida prestado dinero. Así es que los amigos pasan a ocupar el status de acreedores, por lo que se procura evitarlos, sobre todo, si las posibilidades de devolver el préstamo son escasas o nulas. El jugador patológico no es un jugador social.

Generalmente juega siempre solo. Por otra parte, cada vez emplea más tiempo en el juego, y consecuencia de ello es un aislamiento social cada vez mayor. En definitiva, la vida del jugador patológico pierde calidad, abarcando un amplio espectro: desde el grave deterioro de la convivencia familiar, hasta el desarraigo familiar, laboral y social, que ya supone una verdadera marginación.

El juego en sí, no es nocivo. Resulta evidente que la actividad lúdica es importante para el equilibrio emocional del ser humano: el juego infantil, en su concepción evolutiva, los juegos de pasatiempos que favorecen la interacción social. En virtud de la justicia social, gastar el dinero irresponsablemente es moralmente inaceptable.

Dice el Catecismo de la Iglesia Católica n. o las apuestas no son en sí mismos contrarios a la justicia. No obstante, resultan moralmente inaceptables cuando privan a la persona de lo que le es necesario para atender a sus necesidades o las de los demás.

La pasión del juego corre peligro de convertirse en una grave servidumbre. Apostar injustamente o hacer trampas en los juegos constituye una materia grave, a no ser que el daño infligido sea tan leve que quien lo padece no pueda razonablemente considerarlo significativo. La utilización de los juegos de azar o de apuestas en sí misma, no es inmoral.

Sí lo es, el uso inadecuado de los mismos. The burgeoning recognition of gambling harm has been both cause and consequence of intensifying calls for a public health approach to gambling [ 6 ]. In turn, increased recognition has led to a greater focus on defining and classifying gambling harm. In a taxonomy of gambling harm built on earlier models such as Abbott et al.

identify seven types of harms: financial; relationship disruption, conflict or breakdown; emotional or psychological distress; decrements to health; cultural harm; reduced performance at work or study; and criminal activity [ 5 ].

These harms can be experienced by gamblers, their families and communities, and across three, sometimes overlapping, timeframes, described as points of crisis, as legacy harms that endure beyond crises and as life course or intergenerational harms.

As a corrective to the dominant academic and policy focus on individual and psychological pathologies as the chief cause of gambling harm [ 9 , 11 ], this work emphasises systemic and structural causal factors, including the actions and inactions of industry and government [ 3 , 4 ], and the importance of cultural, economic, geographic, political and social contexts and determinants [ 9 , 11 ].

While problem gambling research often aims to inform individual treatment options, gambling harm research emphasises public health and population-level strategies to prevent harm from occurring or intensifying.

In a context in which women were seen as morally suspect for gambling or stupid for enjoying bingo [ 15 ], sociological studies of bingo in particular have shown the many benefits bingo playing offered women, often in situations where their access to leisure and time with other women was severely impeded by lack of money, child-free time, transport and leisure opportunities or by cultural norms that constrained where women could go unaccompanied by men [ 14 ].

Bingo emerged as a site and activity where women felt connected, cognitively stimulated and temporarily released from stress or loneliness, as well as providing fun, excitement and the possibility of welcome cash.

Nevertheless, harm has not been ignored in bingo literature. One example is the important Canadian study by Hewitt and Hodgson [ 16 ] of gambling among Indigenous people in Alberta, where bingo was the most common form of gambling. The study was commissioned by a First Nations organisation to inform prevention and treatment and identified high levels of significant gambling harm in the community with enduring and sometimes life-long implications.

While bingo, particularly in its traditional form, has been understood at times as a low-risk form of gambling, and bingo players as largely free from negative impacts from their participation, more recent bingo literature has increasingly challenged these ideas.

Maclure et al. Other researchers have shown bingo-related financial losses and strain, consequent emotional and psychological distress and conflict for bingo players, their families and communities see, for example, Wardle et al.

As discussed above, bingo research consistently shows that such harm occurs in the context of the many positives of bingo playing, including its role in generating social connectedness, providing relief from sadness and strain and promising lighthearted fun as well as the chance of material gain.

One theme of bingo research has been that players are variously and unfairly ignored, trivialised or denigrated by researchers, policy makers, media outlets and others, resulting in a failure to take bingo seriously as site for research or regulation [ 1 ].

This is pertinent in light of two areas of new evidence. First, that many gamblers, including bingo players, combine forms of gambling [ 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 ]. Second, that the likelihood or seriousness of harm may be influenced not only by the particular form of gambling undertaken, but also by the number of forms of gambling, and time and money spent by gamblers [ 22 ].

Ignoring bingo players leads to an incomplete understanding of who experiences gambling harm and how. While bingo harm is often explored primarily in terms of individual losses, Bedford et al. Bedford et al.

Second, Bedford identified the cultural and social contributions of bingo to collectives, such as building community cohesion and strengthening traditions of mutual aid, in turn highlighting the damage to these by regulatory pressure to standardise bingo as a generic gambling product.

Complementing this capacious approach to conceptualising harm, Casey [ 24 ] built on earlier work see for example Paarlberg et al. Additionally, exploring bingo in Brazil, Jobim and Williams [ 26 ] showed harm caused by money laundering and criminality in bingo businesses.

Notably, the literature shows that harm levels are not stable, but are influenced by cultural, economic, political and social conditions. These include interlinked structural disadvantages such as systemic racism and pre-existing levels of poverty and trauma, which are further shaped by, and shape, regulatory settings and available technology.

Research in and by Indigenous communities, for example, has shown the symbiotic relationship between gambling harm and trauma, including trauma caused by colonial violence and other racism [ 16 ].

Feminist researchers have revealed the interplay between the impacts of bingo and cultural and economic constraints, such as being poor, on working-class and Indigenous women for example, Bedford [ 23 ]; Fiske [ 27 ].

Illustrating the importance of regulatory settings, as explored above, Bedford [ 23 ] showed how regulations have chipped away at the distinct vernacular character of bingo. This homogenising process puts winning money at the heart of bingo, weakening the importance of collective and convivial elements of bingo and so creating conditions conducive to higher levels of harm.

Equally importantly, a range of conditions, including strong social relations, can mitigate against gambling harm [ 28 ]. While regulatory decisions in wealthy English-speaking countries have tended to standardise and liberalise gambling, in contrast, in Brazil, regulators responded by first allowing and then criminalising bingo, providing an important political reminder that regulations that benefit gambling operators over individuals and communities are not inevitable but a political choice [ 26 ].

Finally, researchers have identified possible risks to bingo players due to new technologies including online bingo and terminal-based bingo: Harrigan et al.

Evaluations of the real-world impact of such new technologies on bingo players have not yet been published. Our research explores these concerns and other issues and, in several areas, corroborates these studies. Hence, qualitative player-focused research that examines questions such as harm and the impact of commercial, technological and regulatory changes on bingo is important.

Additionally, although Bedford et al. There is limited research about the development of bingo in Victoria. Bingo, then known as housie-housie, was periodically banned up until the s and was criminalised between and despite this, it was a popular pastime, particularly among women.

When bingo was finally legalised, it was regulated as a fundraiser for sports and community clubs, with limits on the numbers and prices of tickets and a ban on paid staff and rolling jackpots.

This changed through a series of regulatory changes in the mids, when bingo was explicitly professionalised through the introduction of bingo centres. While bingo centres were technically not-for-profit, in that profits still went to charitable or sporting organisations, they were run on business principles.

However, when EGMs were introduced to Victoria in , and bingo turnover and popularity plummeted, the state government loosened regulations. Aiming to make bingo more competitive, the price and number of tickets were increased, games were allowed on Sundays and paid staff were introduced [ 31 ].

Recent deregulation has allowed changes such as the introduction of rolling jackpots; combined with the introduction of PETs, prizes in some settings have increased significantly.

Session prices range from free or low-cost to hundreds of dollars, and prizes from small monetary or material prizes to hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Addressing these gaps, our article aims to investigate and compare the impact of bingo in the lives of people from three geographically discrete communities in Victoria, Australia where bingo is popular: Aboriginal people in Gippsland and East Gippsland in the south-east of the state, Pacific migrants in Mildura, in the north-west, and older people on low fixed incomes in the Victorian capital, Melbourne.

As members of each of these communities face a range of sometimes overlapping forms of discrimination, exclusion and disadvantage, including racism, poverty and ageism, we aim to identify what conditions internal and external to gambling enable, facilitate, intensify or mitigate gambling harm for bingo players in these three communities.

We chose an instrumental multiple-case study approach and conducted our study in the Australian state of Victoria to enable us to engage with the complexity and diversity of bingo playing and players while at the same time examining one regulatory environment.

Consequently, we chose three geographically distinct populations that would offer different perspectives on bingo playing and its context. Further, again informed by our partnerships with Aboriginal organisations, we wished to explore a wide range of impacts, including on communities, and so used the concept of gambling harms rather than the more psychologically and individually focused concept of gambling disorder.

We gathered data between September and October through individual, pair and group interviews with 53 bingo players, individual and pair interviews with 13 stakeholders and 12 participatory observation sessions of bingo games. Interviews with bingo players were up to an hour, with some stakeholder interviews being up to 90 minutes, and were audio recorded.

Field notes were taken after participant observations. We used criterion sampling [ 35 ], with criteria for interviews being that participants were either bingo players from one of the case study sites or an expert stakeholder with knowledge of bingo playing, other aspects of the case study sites or gambling and regulation in Victoria.

An interview schedule with possible questions was developed by the research team, and provided a basis for interviewers. The interviews with members of the Aboriginal community were conducted by Aboriginal Research Fellow, [ 31 ] and those with the Pacific community largely by Mildura Pacific community member [ 31 ].

Interviews were conducted in a range of domestic, commercial and community settings. We did not record numbers of potential participants who chose not to participate. Stakeholder participants were approached by telephone, email and face-to-face.

One stakeholder was known to Maltzahn prior to recruitment. Interviewers explained the purpose of the research as part of their introduction. Participant observations and data feedback were carried out by combinations of the authors listed here, six of whom are female and one of whom is male.

Similar themes were raised consistently by participants towards the end of data collection at each site. The data was thematically analysed using NVivo ; coding was carried out by two team members.

Analysis aimed to identify broad themes from the data on experiences of bingo playing as well as differences across communities and populations. Our approach was informed by the Australian guidelines for researchers conducting research related to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island people [ 36 ].

One of several ways we did this was by appointing researchers from the communities concerned and reporting the findings back to communities in accessible ways, including through a short film by Aboriginal filmmaker, Caden Pearson for more detail, see [ 31 ].

Footnote 1 We received ethical approval from the La Trobe University Human Research Ethics Committee HEC and HEC Community participants are identified by a number plus G for Gippsland, M for Mildura, MAP for Melbourne; stakeholders are identified by S and a number, with those from the case study communities combining S and their area identifier.

Only a minority of participants from our three case study populations said they had been harmed through bingo playing, however, for these people, the harms identified were, at times, significant. Interviewees described harm when playing traditional paper-based bingo, through exposure to EGMs commonly called pokies in Australia and from PETs.

They also raised concerns about intensified harms caused by changes to bingo and some identified broader social and regulatory factors that increased harm. Many participants across the three populations felt that bingo was overwhelmingly or only good: some felt that it was harm-free, describing inherent safety features such as time- and cost-limits and its cognitive stimulation and social rewards.

Correspondingly, several participants explained that bingo was not generally seen as a form of gambling. Other participants saw harm levels as determined by external factors. Using Langham et al. Financial harms included bingo players not being able to pay for basic living costs and pawning possessions such as phones to get cash to replace money spent on bingo or to play bingo.

Financial harms led to emotional strain. A Mildura participant M7 described her heartbreak after coming home to her sleeping children, having lost at bingo, knowing her family was down to its last boxes of cereal and noodles.

Stress was at times mitigated in Pacific and Aboriginal communities by strong family links as relatives would often help out: however, for some, assistance came with a sense of humiliation at having to ask, or see their parent ask, for help. Additionally, it could cause stress for those asked to give money, particularly when they could not afford to do so, another way that harm was felt by people beyond the gambler.

Illustrating this, one Gippsland stakeholder explained that extended family members were impacted:. Financial and emotional strain also damaged relationships and fed conflict with partners, children and grandchildren. One Mildura woman in her 40s described her reaction to frequent bingo losses:.

It changed how I would go about my daily activities. Work-related harms were raised, albeit infrequently, by participants. A small number described bingo players missing work commitments because they had played bingo until late or leaving work early to get to a bingo session.

As a form of gambling, bingo has inherent risk. However, the uneven levels of gambling harm for bingo players suggest that a range of causal factors facilitate gambling harm: the risk of significant harm is neither inevitable nor unchangeable.

Our data highlighted both gambling-related and external causal factors, to which we now turn. It was clear from participants that traditional paper-based bingo could cause harm and that bingo harm was not a new phenomenon, particularly for people with low incomes.

Price was determined both by the price of an individual book and the number of books people bought. While some players bought only one book, it was usual to buy several, and not uncommon to play six books. Particularly in the more expensive venues, players also commonly bought a stripped-down game of bingo called flyers, as well as instant lottery tickets, lucky envelopes and raffles, which increased the cost of a bingo session.

Not surprisingly, those playing the low-cost versions were least likely to report harm. Attention to the cost of bingo in part explained the different patterns of harm amongst our three groups, with the Melbourne group of older people, who were more likely to play low-cost bingo and were in some cases wealthier, less likely to report harm.

The most common form of harm for bingo players was where bingo was offered in close proximity to EGMs: bingo here appeared to be used to draw people into the venue with the expectation that they would then gamble on the EGMs. Some people used EGMs trying to recoup money spent at bingo and others spent their winnings on them, as one male Gippsland participant described:.

Several participants knew bingo players whom they believed to be addicted to EGMs, describing significant associated harm.

In several cases, participants saw such harm as resulting from a combination of conditions such as trauma or poverty with the contiguity of bingo to EGMs, as illustrated by a Melbourne participant in her 60s:. This particular friend of mine, … her son a few years ago committed suicide, because of the [gambling] debt he was in… [S]he also loved to play bingo.

The second distinct context for harm described by participants was newer forms of electronic bingo, including, as described above, automated tablets PETs which require little intervention from players, and online bingo.

While PETs were not available in all the venues we visited, where they were, they were very popular and many players combined a PET with paper-based games.

While few players can play more than six paper-based books, PETs in Victoria have the technical capacity for around concurrent games.

Some venues set their own limits, commonly around High prices create a bigger prize pool, providing a substantial incentive to play, as one stakeholder working in an Aboriginal gambling program described:.

More commonly, however, players said they did not trust online bingo, found it boring or did not have the computer skills to play. Successive regulatory changes in Victoria have enabled more expensive bingo games, bigger bingo sessions and larger prizes [ 31 ].

These changes include abolishing bans on rolling jackpots and removing caps on the cost of books and numbers of players allowed per session. Bigger prizes appear to be a motivator for players to spend more at bingo, with some players not realising that there are more people vying for prizes and that less of the ticket money is distributed each game for example, because the jackpots are rolling.

Stakeholders also argued that the regulatory compliance regime was weaker than the past, with bingo operators able to operate with less government scrutiny. Stakeholders in particular argued that bingo was being regulated and managed by government as if it was still a small community concern, as one articulated:.

And I think that is really problematic given that these have become million-dollar businesses. The deregulation of bingo has created more pressure for bingo operators to adopt potentially more harmful approaches, such as PETs and high-cost bingo sessions.

One industry stakeholder explained the market pressure to provide PETs:. Regulatory changes interact with external factors. Racialised poverty and the impact of adverse life events were two of the external factors driving bingo-related gambling harm in our case study sites.

The impetus to win money was greater among participants in the Gippsland and Mildura case study sites: both these case study communities have higher levels of poverty than the age pensioners in our Melbourne case study.

For many Aboriginal participants, the immediate cause of poverty was the absence or low level of government benefits. Stakeholders from Aboriginal community-controlled organisations highlight the cumulative impact of low benefit payments across the community; more profoundly, poverty is a legacy of land and wage theft and ongoing colonial violence, discrimination and racism.

In Mildura, many members of the Pacific community were employed in farm work that is casualised, low-paid, seasonal and hard, making it difficult to escape poverty. Poverty shaped harm in two ways: it could make gambling compelling and also more harmful, as one Gippsland stakeholder from an Aboriginal organisation argued:.

Adverse life events and stresses, at times resulting in trauma, were described by several participants. These included caring for elderly partners with dementia and other ill-health, post-surgical loss of cognitive capacity, raising grandchildren whose parents were in jail or struggling with drug addiction and family death.

Here, bingo offered escape from grief, isolation and daily strains. Stakeholders from Aboriginal community-controlled organisations also described the trauma, isolation and disconnection from country experienced by members of the stolen generations Aboriginal people who as children were unjustly removed from their parents by the government.

Again, bingo and other forms of gambling provide an escape from stress and struggle. Particularly, but not only in the Aboriginal community, adverse life events were compounded by poverty.

While the majority of interviewees felt bingo was overwhelmingly positive in their own lives, gambling harm was a significant issue for a minority of players, the link between EGMs and bingo was seen as problematic by many participants and there was concern that harm would escalate as PETs and other product changes became more common.

Participants also identified regulatory weaknesses and social injustices as contributing to harm.

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